Ten days ago, in China, President
Obama effectively endorsed Colin Kaepernick’s refusal to stand and salute the
flag during the national anthem as a protest focusing on a legitimate
issue. “I think he cares about some
real, legitimate issues that have to be talked about,” he said. And if nothing else, what he’s done is he’s
generated more conversation around some topics that need to be talked about.”
The President’s statement undoubtedly aroused differing reactions among a
divided electorate. I myself was rather
taken aback when the President clearly implied that
the only Americans likely to be offended by Kaepernick’s refusal to salute the
flag would be veterans of the armed services. But I would like to focus on the way the
President framed the significance of the quarterback’s protest. His emphasis on a “conversation about things
that need to be talked about,” it seems to me, is highly characteristic of most
left wing approaches to problems nowadays.
Both the Occupy movement, which is having its fifth anniversary next
week, and the Black Lives Matter movement, with which Kaepernick is allying
himself, have also focused on starting “conversations”—but have not been very
successful getting results. Perhaps the
time has come to look at the history of these ideas and to re-examine this
approach.
During the middle decades of the
twentieth century, left wing movements were intensely practical and focused on
specific goals. Organized labor vastly
increased its membership, continually fought for higher wages and better
benefits, and became one of the most important political forces in the
nation. The civil rights movement used
lobbying and the courts to fight lynching and segregation in education, and
then, in the late 1950s and early 1960s, turned to direct action, including
boycotts, sit-ins, and demonstrations, to overcome segregation in public
places. Feminists initially focused on
abortion rights, which they secured, and the adoption of the Equal Rights
Amendment, which they could not. In
recent years the gay rights movement has made enormous gains by focusing on gay
marriage and the right to serve in the military. Occupy, however, came and went without any
concrete achievements to its name, and Black Lives Matter has not been able to
make progress on any specific demands. Why not?
Both of these movements, it seems
to me, suffer from diseases of the 1960s.
The protests of that era targeted authority of all kinds—within colleges
and schools, in the government, and in relations between the sexes. Unfortunately, their prejudice against
authority extended to the idea of recognizing any leaders within their own
movements, which was a big reason why so many of them splintered and quickly
disappeared. Occupy was dominated by the
same prejudice against specific leaders who could make and implement decisions,
and the same belief that every member needed a voice in every decision. These rules made meetings very cumbersome and
effective action, as it turned out, almost impossible. Black Lives Matter has also proudly
distinguished itself as
“not your grandfather’s civil rights movement,” meaning that it will never
be identified with one (probably male) leader and will generally eschew
hierarchy. The idea that genuine leftism
must rely on the spontaneity of the masses is not new. It was the idea of certain left-wing
socialists and Communists more than a century ago such as Karl Liebknecht and
Rosa Luxemburg in Germany, of Georges Sorel in France, and of the anarchists
whom George Orwell encountered during the Spanish Civil War. None of those thinkers or movements, however,
scored any significant successes. The
major achievements of the left during the twentieth century belonged to
organized revolutionary movements such as the Communist parties of the Soviet
Union and China, or to movements that worked within the politics of established
democracies like the British Labor Party.
For
half a century the American left has been obsessed with its own moral rectitude
and with the idea that when an abuse is identified, it should automatically be
corrected. “Conversation” has replaced
the earlier mantra “confrontation,” but many seem to assume that simply talking
about racism, sexism and homophobia will either convince or shame those
standing in the way to give way. And
indeed, this approach has been extraordinarily successful in some sectors of
American society, particularly throughout academia and in the newsrooms and
editorial boards of our most distinguished newspapers. But the approach has been a failure in the real
world, largely because movements like Occupy and BLM seem to have so
much trouble deciding exactly what they want and, more importantly,
where to go to try to get it.
Consciousness raising only works among like-minded people. The moral certainty and self-righteousness on
the left has been paralleled by the growth of resentment and resistance on the
right. Hillary Clinton, to be sure,
talks on many issues in the language of the cultural and political left, but
she is now faced by the most rabid right wing candidate in the history of the
United States—and the outcome of the election remains in doubt with seven weeks
to go.
Colin Kaepernick’s protest has aroused
a great deal of emotion, both pro and con.
It states, correctly, that something is very wrong in our criminal
justice system and the relationship between our criminal justice system and
minority communities, but it says nothing about what could or should be done
about it. President Obama has praised
Kaepernick for raising the issue, but although he is commendably trying to free
more non-violent offenders from federal prison in his remaining time in office,
he has not proposed any sweeping reforms of the criminal justice system. The protest, I am afraid, is simply another
segment in our long-running national reality show, in which both sides
continually posture while no one seriously addresses issues. Today’s activists want to move beyond the
patterns of the past—but the past shows that organization, goals, and focus—not
simply conversation—bring about results.
2 comments:
Professor
Great post re domestic quagmire.
While party politicians, and the office of the presidency under either party, have gamed fragmented issues, some of which you discuss, like race, labor unions, gender, taxation, government spending, anti communism, human rights, gay rights, immigration, environmentalism, civil liberties, inequality of various kinds, welfare, healthcare, discrimination, social security, religious freedom, big government, small government, this or that war here or there in the Middle East or North Africa,
under a political system which facilitates, favors, and fails to limit or resolve, such practices and issues,
they have meanwhile allowed the liberal bipartisan international economic and financial order, which had been in place back into the 19th Century, and which they only reinforced after WWII, to gut what was once a largely domestic economy here.
They also, among Western nations, have been the most blind to civilizational and economic overtones and initiatives in the international system they promulgated since WWI.
It is these last two enormous facts, and not our ongoing fragmented post colonial domestic issue debates, which will prove important going forward. All these domestic issues go away suddenly when your political system starts to actually get run by another government with its own economic and social imperatives.
We have been softened up and hollowed out by international liberalism. That is how they have realized they want us for now.
All the best
Well said, Professor! I am a liberal, and I deplore the fact that so many of my liberal friends seem to believe that "talking the talk" is sufficient. Real change comes from confrontation, just as you say. One (but by no means all) of the confrontations that is sorely lacking is think-tank level written responses to the nonsense promulgated by those who oppose BLM, gay marriage, or separation of church and state, and endorse unreasoned nationalism, racism, and unbridled free markets. Many Americans cannot formulate good policy for themselves, but when presented with well reasoned alternatives, they CAN decide which ones will work best for our Nation. This intellectual approach is so sadly lacking now that the main stream media has abdicated that role. The right does a much better job on using their think tanks on this than does the left.
I also like your focus on specific goals, which requires selecting good leadership. In so many cases modern movements are little more than "pond partys." Everyone is on the raft, and rowing energetically, but they are all rowing in their own direction, and the raft goes no where. But the rowers seem to feel that they're doing something useful -- with much sound and fury but no effect.
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